-
Mulatto: descendant of White
and Negro
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Caboclo: descendant of White
and Native Indians
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Cafuso: descendant of Negro
and Native Indians
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Ainoco: descendant of White
and Japanese
The significance of race in Brazilian
society has long been a controversial topic in Brazil. Until recently,
despite the country’s ethnic and racial diversity, official thinking
refused to acknowledge the existence of minority groups, promoting the
concept of the Brazilian “racial democracy” and denying absolutely the
existence of racism or racial discrimination. If, in a country where
blacks and mulattos form at least half of the population, there are few
dark-skinned people at the upper levels of society – so the theory runs
– this simply reflects past disadvantages, in particular poverty and
lack of education.
|
| No one contributed more to
the consolidation of this myth of racial brotherhood than the
anthropologist Gilberto Freyre. In the early 1930s he advanced the
view that somehow the Portuguese colonizers were immune to racial
prejudice, that they intermingled freely with Indians and blacks. If Brazilian
slavery was a not entirely benevolent patriarchy, as some people liked
to believe, the mulatto offspring of the sexual contact between master and
slave was the personification of this ideal. The mulatto was the
archetypal social climber, transcending class boundaries, and was upheld
as a symbol of Brazil and the integration of the nation’s cultures and
ethnic roots. “Every Brazilian, even the light-skinned and fair-haired
one,” wrote Freyre in his seminal work, Casa Grande e Senzala,
“carries about him in his soul, when not in soul and body alike, the
shadow or even birthmark, of the aborigine or negro. The influence of the
African, either direct or remote, is everything that is a sincere
reflection of our lives. We, almost all of us, bear the mark of that
influence.” The myth has endured, even in the minds of those who are
also prepared to admit its flaws: “I believe in our illusion of racial
harmony” said the singer Caetano Velosa, in an interview in early 2000.
Accepted with, if anything, even less questioning
outside Brazil than within, the concept of a racial paradise in South
America was eagerly grasped. For those outside Brazil struggling against
the Nazis or segregation and racial violence in the USA, it was a belief
too good to pass up. “Whereas our old world is more than ever ruled by
the insane attempt to breed people racially pure, like race horses or
dogs”, wrote the Austrian writer Stefan Zweig in exile in Brazil, “the
Brazilian nation for centuries has been built upon the principle of a free
and unsuppressed miscegenation, the complete equalization of black and
white, brown and yellow” (Brazil – Land of the Future, 1942).
Brazil was awarded an international stamp of approval – and its international
image is still very much that of the happy, unprejudiced melting pot.
Anomalies were easily explained away. A
romanticized image of the self-sufficient Indian could be
incorporated into Brazilian nationalism as, deep in the forested interior
and numbering only a quarter of a million, they posed no threat.
Picturesque Indian names – Yara and Iraçema for girls, Tibiriça and
Caramuru for boys – were given to children, their white parents seeing
them as representing Brazil in its purest form. Afro-Brazilian religion,
folklore and art became safe areas of interest. Candomblé,
practised primarily in the northeastern state of Bahia and perhaps the
purest of African rituals, could be seen as a quaint remnant from the
past, while syncretist cults, most notably umbanda, combining
elements of Indian, African and European religion and which have attracted
mass followings in Rio, São Paulo and the South, have been taken to
demonstrate the happy fusion of cultures.
Reality |
| Many visitors to Brazil
still arrive believing in the melting pot, and for that matter many leave
without questioning it. It is undeniable that Brazil has remarkably little
in the way of obvious racial tension; that there are no legal forms
of racial discrimination; and that on the beach the races do seem to mix
freely. But it is equally undeniable that race is a key factor in
determining social position. Institutional racism, born of prejudice and
stereotyping, affects access to education, employment opportunities and
the treatment of black people within the criminal justice system,
manifested most notably in day-to-day harassment and violence from the
police.
To say this in Brazil, even now, is to risk being
attacked as “un-Brazilian”. Nevertheless, the idea that race has had
no significant effect on social mobility and that socio-economic
differentials of a century ago explain current differences between races
is increasingly discredited. It is true that Brazil is a rigidly
stratified society within which upward mobility is difficult for anyone.
But the lighter your skin, the easier it appears to be. Clear evidence has
been produced that, although in general blacks and mulattos (because of
the continuing cycle of poverty) have lower education levels than whites,
even when they do have equal levels of education and experience whites
still enjoy substantial economic benefits. The average income for
white Brazilians is twice that for black, and while there is a growing
black Brazilian middle class, it is concentrated in the arts, music and
sports – black people are still hugely under-represented in the middle
and upper ranks of politics, business and industry.
Perhaps the most surprising realization is that,
except amongst politically developed intellectuals and progressive sectors
of the Church, there seems little awareness or resentment of the link
between colour and class. The black consciousness movement has made slow
progress in Brazil – although grassroots community groups and national
coalitions of organizations representing black people have emerged over
the past decade or two – and most people continue to acquiesce before
the national myth that this is the New World’s fortunate land, where
there’s no need to organize for improved status. |